The story of Jericho
by David Down
The Bible presents the story of the conquest and destruction of Jericho by Joshua
and the Israelite army as an historical incident. The location of Jericho is not
disputed and excavations should be able to confirm that these events really happened.
There should be evidence of toppled walls, a layer of ash caused by the deliberate
conflagration above that, ceramic, and circumstantial evidence of a new people with
a new culture. There is plenty such evidence but archaeologists have dated
it to a time period 600 years before the Israelites arrived. However, the archaeological
strata have been incorrectly dated and all this obvious evidence can be correctly
attributed to the Israelite invasion, thus vindicating the biblical record and supplying
the archaeological world with a plausible explanation for the evidence of destruction
for which it, at present, can find no historical information.
Figure 1. Long-shot view of the remains of Joshua’s Jericho.
Click
here for larger view
Jericho is much in the archaeological news recently, so a review of the history
and archaeology of this city is rather relevant. Excavations have yielded some spectacular
results, and the interpretation of these finds has proven to be extremely controversial.
According to the book of Exodus, about two million people, who had been slaves in
Egypt, escaped in the Exodus and headed into the Sinai Peninsula. They came to Mount
Sinai where they stayed for about one year.
From Mount Sinai they proceeded to Kadesh Barnea where Moses sent out twelve men,
representing the twelve tribes of Israel, to spy out the Promised Land. After 40
days they returned with the report that it was indeed a goodly land but ten of the
spies said, ‘We are not able to go up against the people for they are stronger
than we’ (Numbers 13:31). The other two, Caleb and Joshua, protested
saying, ‘Let us go up at once and take possession, for we are well able to
overcome it’ (verse 30). The majority sided with the ten pessimistic spies
and wished that they had stayed in Egypt.
Because of this lack of faith the whole congregation, except Joshua and Caleb, from
twenty years old and upwards were doomed to wander in the wilderness for forty years
and die there (Numbers 14:29–34).
At the end of this forty year period the Israelites moved northwards from the Red
Sea where Aqaba now is, skirting the land of Edom until they came to the River Jordan
opposite Jericho. While encamped there Moses died and Joshua became the leader.
The Jordan River was in flood, but according to Joshua 4:16 the water was dammed up at a city called Adam,
‘and all Israel crossed over on dry ground’ (Joshua 3:17).
The Israelite army then marched around Jericho every day for a week blowing their
trumpets and on the seventh day they marched around the city seven times. After
the last circuit,
‘the people shouted when the priests blew the trumpets. And it happened when
the people heard the sound of the trumpet, and the people shouted with a great shout,
that the wall fell down flat. Then the people went up into the city, every man straight
before him, and they took the city. And they utterly destroyed all that was in the
city … . They burned the city and all that was in it with fire’ (Joshua 6:20–24).
Then Joshua placed a curse on Jericho and anyone who rebuilt it (verse 26). Nobody
presumed to do so until some 550 years later when it was rebuilt during the reign
of the apostate King Ahab (1 Kings 16:34) when it once more became an important city.
Early excavations at Jericho
Now if these events really happened as described in the biblical record, archaeologists
should be able to find the evidence: toppled walls, destruction by fire, a new people
with a new culture coming into the land, a gap in occupation, and then the city
being rebuilt, but this is what all the fuss is about. There are fallen walls, thick
layers of ash and indication of a new culture on top of that, but according to the
traditional chronology, it all happened 600 years before the Israelites arrived.
As Time magazine 18 December 1995 put it, ‘Kathleen Kenyon, who excavated
at Jericho for six years, found no evidence for destruction at that time.’1
‘At that time’—time is crucial to the interpretation of archaeology.
According to 1 Kings 6:1, the exodus must have occurred about 1445
BC and the conquest of Jericho forty years later about 1405
BC, but the evidence for the destruction of Jericho occurred
at the end of the Early Bronze Period which is usually dated to about 2000 BC. Let
us look at the archaeological history of Jericho.
As long ago as 1867, the Palestine Exploration Fund made a survey of sites in Palestine.
As part of these activities Charles Warren dug some shafts at Tell es-Sultan, the
Arabic name for Joshua’s Jericho. One shaft at the south end of the tell went
down 3 m and struck some charred timber, but without any means of dating this layer,
it proved nothing.
In 1908 an Austro-German expedition under L. Sellinger and T. Watzinger tackled
Jericho. As became the methodical Germans the work was meticulously carried out,
but as pottery identification had not been developed in their day they also had
no means of identifying the layers that they excavated.
Garstang’s excavations seemed to support the Bible record
From 1930 to 1936, an expedition of a much more capable team was conducted by Professor
John Garstang of the Liverpool University. He wrote a very readable book called
The Story of Jericho.2
Garstang had an obvious respect for the Bible but was not convinced of its infallibility.
He was not out to prove the reliability of the biblical records. He stated:
‘Much of the work done in the Holy Land has been stripped of its scientific
value by the assumption that the scriptures are above criticism and necessarily
exact in every detail … . In the search for truth the only safe procedure
in such a case, we submit, is to present the facts first, and then to examine the
relevant passages in the Bible, to see to what extent they agree or disagree with
the material evidence, and whatever the result to state it without prejudice or
concealment.’3
However on page 20 of his book he claimed that the biblical ‘episodes are
confirmed in all material particulars: the fallen walls have been laid bare, while
the burning of demolished buildings is found to have been general and so conspicuous
as to suggest a deliberate holocaust.’
Concerning the subsequent uninhabited period he wrote, ‘Our excavations have
in fact proved that after its destruction the walled city was not reconstructed,
nor was the site more than partially inhabited, for about 500 years.’4
Figure 2. Part of Jericho’s Early Bronze wall which had tilted
over at an angle of 45 degrees. The top half had toppled onto the ground outside.
This would have allowed the Israelites to enter Jericho.
Click
here for larger view
Garstang’s conclusions were based on his identification of the fallen walls
as of Late Bronze origin. The Late Bronze Period is usually dated about 1550 to
1200 BC, so Garstang wrote, ‘With the destruction of this fourth system about
1400 BC the old city of the Bronze Age was brought
to its end.’5
Actually Gastang found the evidence for the invasion of Palestine under Joshua but
he did not recognize it. Following the traditional dating he wrote:
‘About 2000 BC, or rather later, a major catastrophe overwhelmed the aged
city … . An entirely new culture, that of the middle Bronze Age [MB], replaced
the old. Moreover the change was general, and it affected in similar fashion all
the great cities of the highlands above the Jordan Valley … . These traces
of occupation, to quote from our formal report at this time, indicate the incoming
of a people without resources or aptitude for building.’6
People who had lived for forty years in tents could hardly be expected to have any
aptitude for building.
By the revised chronology adopted in the magazine Archaeological Diggings
(of which I am the editor), the Israelites left Egypt early in the 13th
dynasty, and Egypt was overcome by the Hyksos who invaded the country. Significantly
Garstang reported that ‘no less than 165 scarabs of the Hyksos period were
recovered’.7
Figure 3. Carbonised barley and dates from Jericho, now in the
Liverpool Museum.
Click
here for larger view
At the time of its destruction Jericho was well-stocked with food. It could not
be said that the Israelites conquered the city by starving out the inhabitants.
Most of the store-rooms ‘were found to be stacked with grain bins containing
charred remains of barley, oats, millet and sesame, as well as a special kind of
sealed jar which still retained traces of wine and barley-beer’.8
In his chapter entitled ‘The city destroyed by Joshua’, Garstang wrote:
‘The main defences of Jericho in the Late Bronze Age [LB] followed the upper
brink of the city mound, and comprised two parallel walls, the outer six feet and
the inner twelve feet thick. Investigations along the west side show continuous
signs of destruction and conflagration. The outer wall suffered most, its remains
falling down the slope. The inner wall is preserved only where it abuts the citadel,
or tower, to a height of eighteen feet; elsewhere it is found largely to have fallen,
together with the remains of buildings upon it, into the space between the walls
which was filled with ruins and debris. Traces of intense fire are plain to see,
including reddened masses of brick, cracked stones, charred timber and ashes. Houses
alongside the wall were found burnt to the ground, their roofs fallen upon the domestic
pottery within.’9
Figure 4. Shaft dug by Kathleen Kenyon in the centre of Jericho.
Click
here for larger view
Concerning the results of fire he then wrote:
‘In another room abutting the same western wall, but more to the south, the
traces of fire upon its walls were as fresh as though it had occurred a month before;
each scrape of the trowel exposed a black layer of charcoal, where the roof had
burned, or caused the piled up ashes to run down in a stream. On a brick ledge in
a corner of this room we found the family provision of dates, barley, oats, olives,
an onion and peppercorns, all charred but unmistakable; while a little store of
bread, together with a quantity of unbaked dough which had been laid aside to serve
as leaven for the morrow’s baking, told plainly the same tale of a people
cut off in full activity.’10
The author had no doubt that this was no accidental fire. He said:
‘One gets used to burnt layers in excavations of this kind, for it was the
usual fate of houses and cities to perish by fire; but this was no ordinary burning.
The layer of ashes was so thick and the signs of intense heat so vivid, that it
gave the impression of having been contrived, that fuel had been added to the fire.’11
Kenyon’s excavations cast doubt on the Bible record
All this was very gratifying to Bible lovers, but then in 1952 came Dame Kathleen
Kenyon. She not only had the benefit of the archaeological knowledge that had accumulated
over the 16 years since Garstang’s expedition, but introduced radical and
superior new methods that were subsequently adopted by the archaeological world.
However, she was constrained to reject Garstang’s identification of Jericho’s
fallen walls as the walls that fell in Joshua’s day. Garstang dated these
walls to the Late Bronze Period and this would have fitted the Bible date, but Kenyon
wrote:
‘We have nowhere been able to prove the survival of the walls of the Late
Bronze Age, that is to say, of the period of Joshua. This is at variance with Professor
Garstang’s conclusions. He ascribed two of the lines of walls which encircle
the summit to the Late Bronze Age. But everywhere that we examined them it was clear
that they must belong to the Early Bronze.’12
Kenyon continued her work until 1956, and I made my first visit to Jericho two years
later when the excavations were still sharp and distinct. Unfortunately, since then,
rain and wind have blurred the trenches and pits and it is sometimes difficult to
identify what has been found.13
The Early Bronze Age people paid a lot of attention to rebuilding and strengthening
the already massive walls, but it all came to a disastrous end. Kenyon concluded
that an earthquake had brought the walls down. ‘The face of the wall can be
seen fallen outwards from the stone foundations.’14
This earthquake apparently came at a very convenient time for the invaders who brought
this Early Bronze Age to an abrupt end. ‘There is no evidence in the excavated
areas that any of the collapses were due to breaching or undermining by enemies.
But in a number of places the walls have been destroyed by fire, which is almost
certainly the work of enemies.’14
These enemies then proceeded to systematically destroy the whole city.
‘The wall was violently destroyed by fire. The layers of ash, in beautiful
pastel shades of blues, greys and pinks, suggesting brushwood or thatch as did the
other fire, come right down against the stones of the foundations, showing that
they were exposed when the fire took place. The brickwork, normally mud-coloured,
is burnt bright red throughout, clear evidence of the strength of the conflagration
... The disaster was indeed complete, for this was the end of Early Bronze Age Jericho.’15
A revised chronology supplies the answers
Figure 5. The writer points to a layer of pink ash nearly a metre
thick, caused by intense fire in Jericho.
Click
here for larger view
Because Kenyon adhered to the traditional dating she was mystified as to who these
invaders were, but it was very clear to her that they did not come from within Palestine.
They were a totally different people.
‘The Jericho evidence very strongly emphasises the great difference of the
phase from both the preceding and the succeeding ones, a difference both in the
objects in use, such as pottery and weapons, and in the entire way of life of the
population. There was, certainly at Jericho, and very probably elsewhere (on the
existing evidence), such a wholesale incursion of newcomers that the existing population
was completely submerged.’16
She concluded that these invaders were nomads, used to living in tents, were made
up of separate tribes and were a religious people.
‘It can in any case be deduced that the newcomers were concerned with things
spiritual from the care they took in the disposal of the dead. Probably long before
they started to build houses they were excavating elaborate tombs in the rock of
the surrounding hillsides ... . The tombs fall into a number of sharply defined
groups, which may be called the Dagger Tombs, the Pottery Tombs, the Square-shaft
Tombs, an Outsize type which might be called the Bead type … . The newcomers
had a nomadic way of life when they arrived, and it seems to me that this differentiation
can be explained as evidence of a number of tribal groups, each with its own burial
custom, coming together as a loose tribal confederation, living side by side on
the tell and the surrounding slopes, but each retaining its own burial customs.’17
‘Other sites in Palestine have produced evidence which can also be interpreted
as showing the presence of similar tribal groups.’18
But though they were desert nomads they were highly intelligent and inventive. They
quickly introduced a new and better way of life.
‘As our detailed knowledge of Palestinian archaeology has gradually increased
over the past thirty years or so, it has become apparent that there was a very sharp
break between the Early Bronze Age of the third millenium and the Middle Bronze
Age of the first half of the second. Common everyday pots are the most sensitive
barometer of a drastic change in population. There is virtually no continuity in
pottery between the two periods, and it is perhaps excessive caution to use the
qualifying `virtually.’ It is not merely that there is a great technical advance
in potting, in that the vessels in common use in the Middle Bronze Age are made
on a fast wheel, whereas those of the Early Bronze Age only show a tentative use
of a slow wheel in finishing some of the vessels, but all the forms of the vessels
are different. In other directions the change is equally marked; bronze, for instance,
takes the place of copper as the common metal.’19
The furniture found in the tombs also demonstrated remarkable skill.
‘The joints were excellently fitted together by tenon and mortise, held together
by wooden pegs; no metal was employed in the structure. The carpenters’ tools
apparently consisted of ripping saws, adzes, morticing chisels, drills, and probably
a lathe.’20
James Pritchard, who excavated in Gibeon in 1956, found the same type of evidence.
Writing of his own discoveries at Gibeon he stated:
‘These relics of the Middle Bronze I people seem to indicate a fresh migration
into the town of a nomadic people who brought with them an entirely new tradition
in pottery forms and new customs in burial practices. They may have come into Palestine
from the desert at the crossing of the Jordan near Jericho and may then have pushed
on to settle eventually at places such as Gibeon, Tell el-Ajjul and Lachish, where
tombs of this distinctive type have been found.’21
Figure 6. Volunteers starting excavations at a locus in Ein Hatzeva.
Click
here for larger view
Nothing could more aptly fit the biblical record of the Israelites coming in from
their desert wanderings, crossing the Jordan at Jericho and occupying the Promised
Land.
Kenyon comments on their superior technical abilities:
‘The new pottery is completely wheel-made, much of it of a high technical
excellence … . Another very striking change is in the metal objects. Metal
had been used in the Early Bronze Age [EB], and had been comparatively common in
the succeeding period. But so far as the analyses which have been carried out show,
all the objects were of copper. Now bronze comes into common use, which means, of
course, a considerable increase in the efficiency of the tools, weapons and other
objects. Weapons are as a matter of fact not very common, not nearly as much so
as in the EB-MB period. The newcomers were peaceful townsfolk, not nomadic warriors.’22
These invaders wiped out most of the existing population and for a while continued
to live in tents.
‘Since there is this interval before houses appear, they must have lived in
tents or very slight structures, thus providing clear evidence of their nomadic
origin. Though they lived on the tell, they were not really interested in it as
a town. Their occupation spread right down the slopes, and they never built themselves
a town wall.’23
So much for the early invaders. But after a gap in time, Middle Bronze II Jericho
was rebuilt with an entirely new form of defence—powerful walls flanked by
a glacis, a sloping ramp surfaced with smooth lime plaster. Enemies trying to attack
the walls would first have to ascend this slippery surface to reach the walls themselves.
The evidence points to the Israelites
Kenyon makes an interesting comment on the religion of Middle Bronze Age Jericho
during this period: ‘Within the limited area in which the buildings of the
period survive, there is nothing that resembles a temple, and no objects suggesting
a ritual significance have been found.’24
This would be consistent with the biblical command. Dire threats were made against
any who would offer sacrifice except at the door of the tabernacle which was later
at Jerusalem (Leviticus 17:3,4).
The remains of these MB walls are ‘the highest surviving point of the tell’.25 In other words, no Late
Bronze walls; and this is one of the reasons critics have concluded that the Bible
record is invalid. No walls when Joshua arrived. Kenyon charitably suggests that
the Late Bronze town may have been washed away,26 but that is sheer conjecture.
Jericho was again destroyed at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. The ash of the
burnt city ‘is about a metre thick, and consists of streaks of black, brown,
white and pinkish ash’,27
and Bimson has tried to identify this destruction as the Israelite invasion, but
he faces the problem of continuity of culture between MB and LB. Bimson admits this
and tries to explain it away by claiming that newcomers would adopt the life style
of the country they conquered.
‘As far as Palestine is concerned, the introduction of the new type of defence
meant no break in culture. From the first beginnings of the Middle Bronze Age down
to its end, and long past it, all the material evidence, pottery, weapons, ornaments,
buildings, building methods, is emphatic that there is no break in culture and basic
population. Are there any cultural changes at the start of LBI which could attest
the arrival of the Israelite groups? Unfortunately the answer to this question is,
no. I do not consider that this in any way weakens the theory offered here in comparison
with the conventional view.’28
The excavations at Jericho have produced striking evidence that parallels what could
be expected from the Exodus and invasion of Palestine.
But that is not the way it was at the end of the Early Bronze Age. There was a distinct
break in culture as could be expected by people coming out of the desert from Egypt.
But why look any further? The excavations at Jericho have produced striking evidence
that parallels what could be expected from the Exodus and invasion of Palestine.
Only a chronological revision is needed to match both records. Unfortunately the
orthodox chronology is such a sacred cow to most scholars that there seems little
hope of a universally accepted revision. But there are some prominent scholars who
have recognized the need for revision.
This Israeli archaeologist should know
Dr Rudolph Cohen was the head of the Israel Antiquities Authority when I first met
him in 1992. The following year I and my group of Australian volunteers excavated
with Dr Cohen’s team in 1993 at Ein Hatzeva, 30 km south of the Dead Sea.
Dr Cohen had been digging in the Negev (area south of Beer Sheba) for 25 years.
During the Israeli occupation of the Sinai Peninsula he excavated at Kadesh Barnea.
That was where Moses sent out the twelve spies and the Israelites waited 40 days
for them to return (Numbers 13).
Two million people would leave behind a lot of broken pottery after forty days on
the site, and Dr Cohen found the pottery and identified it as MBI. Writing in the
July1983 edition of Biblical Archaeology Review, in an article headed ‘The
Mysterious MBI People’, he asked,
‘Who were the MBI people? We really don’t know … . In fact, these
MBI people may be the Israelites whose famous journey from Egypt to Canaan is called
the Exodus … .
‘I have been studying the MBI sites in the Central Negev for almost two decades
now. The result of this study can, I believe, elucidate some of the outstanding
issues … . New aspects of MBI culture, including burial customs and social
structure, imply a new ethnic element. Thus, the MBI culture is also intrusive,
migrating people who destroyed the existing urban centres must be involved …
. In my view, the new MBI population came from the south and the Sinai, the route
of the Israelites on that journey known as the Exodus.
‘This migratory drift, as I have reconstructed it, bears a striking similarity
to that of the Israelites’ flight from Egypt to the Promised Land, as recorded
in the book of Exodus. The concentration of MBI sites in the relatively fertile
district east of Kadesh Barnea recalls the tradition that the Israelites camped
near this oasis for 38 of their 40 years of wandering after leaving Egypt (Deuteronomy 1:46) … . The establishment of the MBI
settlements directly over the ruins of the EBII-EBIII sites in the Central Negev
is consistent with the tradition that the Israelites dwelled in the area previously
inhabited by their Amelekite foes (Deuteronomy 25:17–19). The northeastward migration
of the MBI population into Transjordan has parallels in the Biblical recollection
that the Israelites remained in Moab before crossing the Jordan River and laying
siege to Jericho (Deuteronomy 3:29). In this connection too, it is interesting
to note that Early Bronze Age Jericho was destroyed by a violent conflagration,
and the site was thinly reoccupied by MBI newcomers, who were apparently unaccustomed
to urban dwellings.’29
‘God specifically instructed that these cities should not be rebuilt. Interestingly
enough, after the EBIII destruction of Jericho and Ai, both cities lay in ruins
for hundreds of years … .
‘The similarity between the course of the MBI migration and the route of the
Exodus seems too close to be coincidental. The Late Bronze Age (1550–1200
BC)—the period usually associated with the Israelites’ flight from Egypt—is
archaeologically unattested in the Kadesh Barnea area (as elsewhere in the Central
Negev, for that matter), but MBI remains abound and seem to provide a concrete background
for the traditions of settlement.’30
While we were working on the dig at Ein Hatzeva, I was visited by Yigal Israel who
was site supervisor of the Israeli team. I asked him if he accepted Dr Cohen’s
views about the MBI people. He replied, ‘Yes, of course. We all do down here.’
I remarked that the archaeologists in the north do not accept that view. He replied,
‘They do not know what they are talking about. They have not excavated in
the south.’
While excavating in Israel in 2004, I visited Yigal who lived not far from where
we were digging. I asked him if he still holds the same views, and he assured me
that he did. So while the majority of Israeli archaeologists adhere to the traditional
identification of the archaeological strata, there is a division of opinion on the
subject.
But how can scholars fiddle with the dates of Egyptian history on which the chronology
of ancient Israel is based? The average reader can buy beautiful books with shiny
pages that quote dates that seem to be as firmly established as the dates for World
War I. What most casual readers do not realise is that every book will have a different
set of dates. In particular there is much confusion over the Third Intermediate
Period (the TIP) of Egyptian history. There is little known of these dynasties 21–24
and some scholars maintain that they did not exist as independent dynasties, and
there are other periods when one Pharaoh was ruling in the north while another Pharaoh
was ruling in the south.
Cambridge professor supports revision
Table 1. Comparison of the biblical record with archaeological
discoveries.
Click
here for larger view
In 1991, five scholars published a book called Centuries of Darkness in
which they claimed that the TIP should be omitted from Egyptian history, reducing
the dates of the dynasties before then by 250 years. A forward to this book was
written by Professor Colin Renfrew of Cambridge University. He wrote:
‘This disquieting book draws attention, in a penetrating and original way,
to a crucial period in world history, and to the very shaky nature of the dating,
the whole chronological framework, upon which our current interpretations rest …
. The revolutionary suggestion is made here that the existing chronologies for that
crucial phase in human history are in error by several centuries, and that, in consequence,
history will have to be rewritten … . I feel that their critical analysis
is right, and that a chronological revolution is on its way.’31
While I was in London in 2004 I talked with Professor Renfrew. In the meantime he
had been promoted to the House of Lords as a result of his reputation as a distinguished
scholar. Among other matters, I asked him if he still holds the views about chronology
which he expressed in his forward to Peter James’ book. He assured me that
he did and that he promotes it in his classes at Cambridge University.
Conclusion
The dates of Egyptian history are by no means set in concrete—they are not
astronomically fixed as some enthusiastic writers would have us believe. A reduction
in dates for the dynasties of Egypt will be reflected in a reduction in dates for
the archaeological strata in Israel, and if the end of the Early Bronze Period is
recognized as the time when Joshua and his army destroyed Jericho, striking archaeological
evidence will be found to support the biblical record (see table 1).
Related articles
Further reading
Related resources
References
- Time, 18 December 1995, p. 54.
Return to Text.
- Garstang, J., The Story of Jericho, Marshall, Morgan
and Scott, London, 1948. Return to Text.
- Garstang, ref. 2, p. 133. Return to Text.
- Garstang, ref. 2, p. 20. Return to Text.
- Garstang, ref. 2, p. 46. Return to Text.
- Garstang, ref. 2, p. 91. Return to Text.
- Garstang, ref. 2, p. 99. Return to Text.
- Garstang, ref. 2, p. 101. Return to Text.
- Garstang, ref. 2, p. 136. Return to Text.
- Garstang, ref. 2, p. 141. Return to Text.
- Garstang, ref. 2, p. 142. Return to Text.
- Benn, E., Digging up Jericho, Ernest Ltd, London,
pp. 47, 170, 1957. Return to Text.
- A visit to Jericho is still an exciting experience if you
are with someone who can identify the relevant features. The annual Archaeological
Diggings tour to Egypt and Israel can be recommended. Return to
Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 176. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 189. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 187. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, pp. 194–195. Return
to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 207. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 186. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 241. Return to Text.
- Pritchard, J., Gibeon, Where the Sun Stood Still,
Princeton University Press, NJ, p. 153, 1975. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 211. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 192. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 253. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 216. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 262. Return to Text.
- Benn, ref. 12, p. 259. Return to Text.
- Bimson, J., Redating the Exodus, The Almond Press,
Sheffield, pp. 130, 219, 1981. Return to Text.
- Cohen, R., The mysterious MBI people, Biblical Archaeology
Review 9(04):28, July1983. Return to Text.
- Cohen, ref. 28, p. 29. Return to Text.
- James, P., Thorpe, I.J., Kokkinos, N., Morkot, R. and Frankish,
J., Centuries of Darkness, Pimlico, London, pp. xv–xvi, 1992.
Return to Text.
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